The Global Security News: 1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Eurasia Review: Indian Muslims: A rich Hunting Ground For Middle Eastern Rivals – Analysis

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

When President Recep Tayyip Erdogan
recently declared that Turkey was “the only
country that can lead the Muslim world
,” he probably wasn’t only thinking of Middle Eastern and other Islamic states such as
Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Increasingly,
there is evidence that
Indian Muslims, the Islamic world’s fourth largest community after
Indonesia and the South Asian states, is on Mr. Erdogan’s radar.

Mr. Erdogan’s interest in Indian
Muslims highlights the flip side of a shared Turkish and Indian experience: the rise of religious parties and leaders with a tendency towards authoritarianism in
non-Western democracies
that, according to Turkey and India scholar Sumantra Bose, calls into question their commitment to
secularism.

Mr. Erdogan’s interest in Indian
Muslims goes beyond his hitherto unsuccessful attempts to persuade Indian authorities to shutter some nine schools and colleges associated with
exiled Muslim preacher Fethullah Gulen.

Accusing Mr. Gulen of responsibility
for a failed 2015 military coup, Mr. Erdogan’s government is
seeking the preacher’s extradition to Turkey
from his refuge in the mountains of
Pennsylvania.

While Mr. Gulen is an obsession to Mr.
Erdogan, the president’s interest in Indian Muslims is part of bigger fish he has to fry.

Indian Muslims are too big a community
to ignore in Mr. Erdogan’s rivalry with Saudi Arabia for leadership in the Muslim world, particularly in the wake of the October 2 killing of
journalist Jamal Khashoggi
in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul that has catapulted the rivalry to centre
stage.

Mr.
Erdogan’s efforts to create inroads
into the Indian Muslim community is facilitated by the Hindu nationalism
of the country’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, that prompted The
Washington Post to
headline a recent article by Indian journalist Rana Ayyub describing
mounting anti-Muslim sentiment and Islamophobia, “Modi’s India is a living nightmare for Muslims.”

Mr. Erdogan is competing for Indian
Muslim hearts and minds with a continued flow of Saudi funds to multiple Salafi organizations, including charities,
educational institutions and political organizations, and reporting by Turkish journalists
associated with the Gulen movement
, who point to Turkish links with militant
clerics.

They include controversial
televangelist Zakir Naik, whose Peace TV reaches 200 million viewers despite being banned in India.

Problematically,
some of Mr. Erdogan’s
interlocutors, including Mr. Naik, seemingly prefer to straddle the
fence between Turkey and Saudi Arabia and play both sides against the
middle.

‘One among the few Muslim leaders who
appreciate, have the guts to support Islam openly, is the president of this country, that is President Erdogan…. You are lucky to have a president like president
Erdogan
,” Mr. Naik told a crowd in Istanbul shortly before Turkey declared its support for Qatar at the outset of the
18-month old Saudi-United Arab Emirates-led economic and diplomatic boycott of the Gulf state.

Mr. Naik’s remarks are unlikely to have
sat well with Saudi Arabia whose King Salman had two
years earlier awarded the preacher the King Faisal International Prize
for his “service to Islam.”

The award includes US$2 million in
prize money. Unconfirmed press reports say Mr. Naik has been traveling on a Saudi passport since his Indian document was revoked in 2017.

If
the geopolitical stakes for Mr.
Erdogan are primarily his leadership ambitions, for Saudi Arabia it’s
not just about being top dog. Influence among Indian Muslims creates one
more pressure
point for the kingdom in its opposition to Indian funding of Iran’s
Arabian Sea port of Chabahar.

Saudi Arabia fears the port will
help Iran counter harsh
US sanctions
imposed after US President Donald J. Trump’s withdrawal from a 2015 international agreement that curbed the
Islamic republic’s nuclear program.

The kingdom is further concerned that
the port will enable
Iran to gain greater market share in India for its oil exports at the
expense of Saudi Arabia, raise foreign investment in the Islamic
republic, increase its government revenues, and allow Iran to project
power in the Gulf and the Indian Ocean.

Finally,
Saudi Arabia sees Indian
Shiites, who are believed to account for anywhere between 10 and 30
percent of the country’s 180 million Muslims, as an Iranian fifth
wheel.

Indian
media quoted a report by India’s
Intelligence Bureau as saying that ultra-conservative Saudi Islamic
scholars were frequently visiting Indian Sunni Muslim communities. The
Bureau
reportedly put the number of visitors in the years between 2011 and 2013 at 25,000. It said they had
distributed tens of millions of dollars – a scale unmatched by Turkish funding.

The Saudi effort is furthered by the
fact that some three million Indians work in the kingdom, many of them from Kerala in southwestern India.

“The
Muslim community in Kerala is
undergoing the process of Arabification… It is happening like the
westernisation. Those Indians who had lived in England once used to
emulate the English way
of life back home. Similarly, Muslims in Kerala are trying to bring home the Arabian culture and way of life,” said scholar Hameed
Chendamangalloor.

South
Asia scholar Christophe Jaffrelot
noted that Muslim institutions in Kerala, including the Islamic Mission
Trust of Malappuram, the Islamic Welfare Trust and the Mujahideen Arabic
College
had received “millions of (Saudi)
riyals
.”

Like
in the case of Mr. Naik, Turkey
has reportedly sought to also forge ties to Maulana Syed Salman
Al-Husaini Al-Nadwi, a prominent Indian Muslim scholar who is a
professor at one of the
country’s foremost madrassas or religious seminaries, Darul-uloom
Nadwatul Ulama in Lucknow.

Mr. Al-Nadwi tweeted his support for Mr. Erdogan in
advance of last June’s election. “We represent the Muslim peoples and
300 million Muslim Indians. We want the Turkish people to take place
next
to Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his party,” Mr. Al-Nadwi said.

Mr. Al-Nadwi’s son Yusuf was a
speaker at a
conference in Istanbul in 2016 on the history of the caliphate movement
in
Turkey and South Asia organized by the South Asian
Center for Strategic Studies (GASAM) founded by Ali Sahin, a former
deputy minister for European affairs and member of Mr. Erdogan’s Justice
and Development
Party (AKP).

Mr. Al-Nadwi sparked controversy in
2014 by offering Saudi Arabia to raise a 500,000 strong militia of Sunni Muslim Indian youth that would contribute to a
global Islamic army to “help Muslims in need,” fight Iraqi Shiites and become part of a Caliphate.

At about the same time, Mr. Al-Nadwi
also raised eyebrows by praising the Islamic State’s success in Iraq in a letter to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

The
Turkish-Saudi competition for
Indian Muslim hearts and minds is grit on the mill of Hindu nationalists
even if Turkish moves have attracted less attention than those of their
Saudi
rivals.

The India Foundation, with its close
ties to Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), warned last year in an analysis of the significance of two Saudi-funded
universities’ adoption of a palm tree in their logos
that the kingdom’s proselytization “laid the ideological foundation for
Arabisation of Muslims in India. Over time, this has dealt a suicidal blow to the local character of Islam in the Indian
subcontinent.”

Eurasia Review

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)

The Global Security News


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Eurasia Review: Indian Muslims: A rich Hunting Ground For Middle Eastern Rivals – Analysis

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

When President Recep Tayyip Erdogan
recently declared that Turkey was “the only
country that can lead the Muslim world
,” he probably wasn’t only thinking of Middle Eastern and other Islamic states such as
Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Increasingly,
there is evidence that
Indian Muslims, the Islamic world’s fourth largest community after
Indonesia and the South Asian states, is on Mr. Erdogan’s radar.

Mr. Erdogan’s interest in Indian
Muslims highlights the flip side of a shared Turkish and Indian experience: the rise of religious parties and leaders with a tendency towards authoritarianism in
non-Western democracies
that, according to Turkey and India scholar Sumantra Bose, calls into question their commitment to
secularism.

Mr. Erdogan’s interest in Indian
Muslims goes beyond his hitherto unsuccessful attempts to persuade Indian authorities to shutter some nine schools and colleges associated with
exiled Muslim preacher Fethullah Gulen.

Accusing Mr. Gulen of responsibility
for a failed 2015 military coup, Mr. Erdogan’s government is
seeking the preacher’s extradition to Turkey
from his refuge in the mountains of
Pennsylvania.

While Mr. Gulen is an obsession to Mr.
Erdogan, the president’s interest in Indian Muslims is part of bigger fish he has to fry.

Indian Muslims are too big a community
to ignore in Mr. Erdogan’s rivalry with Saudi Arabia for leadership in the Muslim world, particularly in the wake of the October 2 killing of
journalist Jamal Khashoggi
in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul that has catapulted the rivalry to centre
stage.

Mr.
Erdogan’s efforts to create inroads
into the Indian Muslim community is facilitated by the Hindu nationalism
of the country’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, that prompted The
Washington Post to
headline a recent article by Indian journalist Rana Ayyub describing
mounting anti-Muslim sentiment and Islamophobia, “Modi’s India is a living nightmare for Muslims.”

Mr. Erdogan is competing for Indian
Muslim hearts and minds with a continued flow of Saudi funds to multiple Salafi organizations, including charities,
educational institutions and political organizations, and reporting by Turkish journalists
associated with the Gulen movement
, who point to Turkish links with militant
clerics.

They include controversial
televangelist Zakir Naik, whose Peace TV reaches 200 million viewers despite being banned in India.

Problematically,
some of Mr. Erdogan’s
interlocutors, including Mr. Naik, seemingly prefer to straddle the
fence between Turkey and Saudi Arabia and play both sides against the
middle.

‘One among the few Muslim leaders who
appreciate, have the guts to support Islam openly, is the president of this country, that is President Erdogan…. You are lucky to have a president like president
Erdogan
,” Mr. Naik told a crowd in Istanbul shortly before Turkey declared its support for Qatar at the outset of the
18-month old Saudi-United Arab Emirates-led economic and diplomatic boycott of the Gulf state.

Mr. Naik’s remarks are unlikely to have
sat well with Saudi Arabia whose King Salman had two
years earlier awarded the preacher the King Faisal International Prize
for his “service to Islam.”

The award includes US$2 million in
prize money. Unconfirmed press reports say Mr. Naik has been traveling on a Saudi passport since his Indian document was revoked in 2017.

If
the geopolitical stakes for Mr.
Erdogan are primarily his leadership ambitions, for Saudi Arabia it’s
not just about being top dog. Influence among Indian Muslims creates one
more pressure
point for the kingdom in its opposition to Indian funding of Iran’s
Arabian Sea port of Chabahar.

Saudi Arabia fears the port will
help Iran counter harsh
US sanctions
imposed after US President Donald J. Trump’s withdrawal from a 2015 international agreement that curbed the
Islamic republic’s nuclear program.

The kingdom is further concerned that
the port will enable
Iran to gain greater market share in India for its oil exports at the
expense of Saudi Arabia, raise foreign investment in the Islamic
republic, increase its government revenues, and allow Iran to project
power in the Gulf and the Indian Ocean.

Finally,
Saudi Arabia sees Indian
Shiites, who are believed to account for anywhere between 10 and 30
percent of the country’s 180 million Muslims, as an Iranian fifth
wheel.

Indian
media quoted a report by India’s
Intelligence Bureau as saying that ultra-conservative Saudi Islamic
scholars were frequently visiting Indian Sunni Muslim communities. The
Bureau
reportedly put the number of visitors in the years between 2011 and 2013 at 25,000. It said they had
distributed tens of millions of dollars – a scale unmatched by Turkish funding.

The Saudi effort is furthered by the
fact that some three million Indians work in the kingdom, many of them from Kerala in southwestern India.

“The
Muslim community in Kerala is
undergoing the process of Arabification… It is happening like the
westernisation. Those Indians who had lived in England once used to
emulate the English way
of life back home. Similarly, Muslims in Kerala are trying to bring home the Arabian culture and way of life,” said scholar Hameed
Chendamangalloor.

South
Asia scholar Christophe Jaffrelot
noted that Muslim institutions in Kerala, including the Islamic Mission
Trust of Malappuram, the Islamic Welfare Trust and the Mujahideen Arabic
College
had received “millions of (Saudi)
riyals
.”

Like
in the case of Mr. Naik, Turkey
has reportedly sought to also forge ties to Maulana Syed Salman
Al-Husaini Al-Nadwi, a prominent Indian Muslim scholar who is a
professor at one of the
country’s foremost madrassas or religious seminaries, Darul-uloom
Nadwatul Ulama in Lucknow.

Mr. Al-Nadwi tweeted his support for Mr. Erdogan in
advance of last June’s election. “We represent the Muslim peoples and
300 million Muslim Indians. We want the Turkish people to take place
next
to Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his party,” Mr. Al-Nadwi said.

Mr. Al-Nadwi’s son Yusuf was a
speaker at a
conference in Istanbul in 2016 on the history of the caliphate movement
in
Turkey and South Asia organized by the South Asian
Center for Strategic Studies (GASAM) founded by Ali Sahin, a former
deputy minister for European affairs and member of Mr. Erdogan’s Justice
and Development
Party (AKP).

Mr. Al-Nadwi sparked controversy in
2014 by offering Saudi Arabia to raise a 500,000 strong militia of Sunni Muslim Indian youth that would contribute to a
global Islamic army to “help Muslims in need,” fight Iraqi Shiites and become part of a Caliphate.

At about the same time, Mr. Al-Nadwi
also raised eyebrows by praising the Islamic State’s success in Iraq in a letter to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

The
Turkish-Saudi competition for
Indian Muslim hearts and minds is grit on the mill of Hindu nationalists
even if Turkish moves have attracted less attention than those of their
Saudi
rivals.

The India Foundation, with its close
ties to Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), warned last year in an analysis of the significance of two Saudi-funded
universities’ adoption of a palm tree in their logos
that the kingdom’s proselytization “laid the ideological foundation for
Arabisation of Muslims in India. Over time, this has dealt a suicidal blow to the local character of Islam in the Indian
subcontinent.”

Eurasia Review

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

The Global Security News: 1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Eurasia Review: The Continued Standards of Gender (In)Equality In India – OpEd

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

By Julie Thukkuden*

Today the World Economic Forum released its 2018 edition of the Global Gender Gap Index Report. The Index measures the gap between women and men in four key areas of health, education, economy and politics to assess the state of gender equality in a country. Technically, it measures women’s disadvantages as compared to men and therefore, it is not strictly a measure of gender equality. This year too India continues with its low performance on this Index. In 2018, we are at XXX while in 2017 it was at the 108th position out of 144 major and emerging economies, 10 notches less than its ranking 2006. In 2006, India was able to cover 60 % of its gender gap, dipping 59.3% in 2007 and gradually increasing to 66.4% (in 2012) to 66.9% (in 2017).  In 2017, the 108th ranking was a slip of 21 places from the 87th ranking in 2016, where it was able to cover 68.3% of the gender gap – far below the global average and behind its neighbours of China and Bangladesh. This was primarily due to less participation of women in the economy and low wages.

With one of the lowest female labour force participation in the world, India’s growth story has definitely not benefited women.  When governments reduce their expenditures on essential public services such as education and healthcare, women and girls are the first ones to lose out on these services (Oxfam Briefing Paper 2016). This increases the burden of women’s unpaid care work, which is not accounted for by the family or the economy. Add to this is the increasing rates of violence against women and girls in both public and private spaces. When women face violence continuously and in many ways, it sets them back in economic terms. In 2016, the global cost of violence against women was estimated by the UN to be US$1.5 trillion, equivalent to approximately 2% of the global gross domestic product (GDP), or roughly the size of the entire Canadian economy (UN Women, 2016) Studies indicate, for example, that in India women can lose an average of at least five paid work days for each incident of intimate partner violence. In health terms too, violence that women face affects them adversely. A study in 2008 explored the adverse impacts of domestic violence on women and children in India to reveal that women victims of domestic violence experience significantly higher rates of malnutrition as measured by two indicators: being underweight and anemic (Ackerson and Subramanian, 2008). Children of women experiencing domestic violence also experienced high levels of malnourishment (ICRW, 2016)

Though India has an array of progressive laws that deal with violence in its myriad forms, the biggest challenge is their implementation with no dedicated budgets, government officials with additional charges, a cadre of duty bearers who do not know the laws, often do not understand the standard operating procedures and a citizenry working with archaic norms as the basis for perpetuating violence against women and girls. Even when funds are available, (for example the Nirbhaya Fund dedicated to Jyoti Pandey, whose brutal gang-rape and subsequent death shook the nation in 2012 and led to the allocation of INR 3100 crores for projects that dealt with different forms of violence) the utilisation of the funds towards services that would help women overcome violence is very low. Existing social norms strongly support the normalisation of violence in all spheres. In the workplace, a law to deal with sexual harassment was passed only in 2013 after a struggle for 17 years. Yet the recent #MeToo movement in India has only opened the doors to the organised workforce to ensure that mechanisms are in place and follow due processes. With the majority of women in the informal sector, the mechanisms for dealing with sexual harassment is not conducive to encouraging women to join the workforce. With a somewhat lackadaisical response on the part of the government towards reducing the burden of care work for women employees, Indian women have to continue to bear the brunt of major household chores, both in urban and rural areas. OECD data shows that Indian men between the age group of 15-64 years spend 51 minutes in a day on unpaid work whereas women spend 351 minutes in a day on unpaid work.

What needs to be taken on an urgent basis should be the following:

  • With the elections round the corner, we must demand that all major parties adhere to a minimum standard of 50% of its candidates being women.
  • As citizens, we must make informed choices keeping in mind the proven track record of the candidates, both male and female, with regard to gender justice and equality. Proposed candidates who publicly announce regressive measures should be debarred or at least not voted into power.
  • All parties must be held accountable to pass the Women’s Reservation Bill, something that has been agreed to by most major parties but yet, it does not find prominence in being tabled in every Parliament session.
  • We must hold accountable the various Ministries for the 30% utilisation of the non-lapsable INR 3100 crores in the Nirbhaya Fund.
  • The government must hold periodic evaluations to see the efficacy of the many pro-women laws and ensure that the gaps are addressed in a timely manner.
  • Corporate houses must ensure that mechanisms to deal with sexual harassment in the workplace are in place and are being actively used by the staff.
  • In the informal sector, there needs to be large-scale awareness building for women workers on the Local Complaints Committee and the processes associated with it.
  • Improving the conditions of work for women in the informal sector may require more holistic interventions which would best be arrived at through consultations with women themselves.

*Julie Thukkuden is the gender justice programme lead for Oxfam India. She can be reached at @JulieThekkudan on Twitter.

Eurasia Review

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)

The Global Security News


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Eurasia Review: The Continued Standards of Gender (In)Equality In India – OpEd

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

By Julie Thukkuden*

Today the World Economic Forum released its 2018 edition of the Global Gender Gap Index Report. The Index measures the gap between women and men in four key areas of health, education, economy and politics to assess the state of gender equality in a country. Technically, it measures women’s disadvantages as compared to men and therefore, it is not strictly a measure of gender equality. This year too India continues with its low performance on this Index. In 2018, we are at XXX while in 2017 it was at the 108th position out of 144 major and emerging economies, 10 notches less than its ranking 2006. In 2006, India was able to cover 60 % of its gender gap, dipping 59.3% in 2007 and gradually increasing to 66.4% (in 2012) to 66.9% (in 2017).  In 2017, the 108th ranking was a slip of 21 places from the 87th ranking in 2016, where it was able to cover 68.3% of the gender gap – far below the global average and behind its neighbours of China and Bangladesh. This was primarily due to less participation of women in the economy and low wages.

With one of the lowest female labour force participation in the world, India’s growth story has definitely not benefited women.  When governments reduce their expenditures on essential public services such as education and healthcare, women and girls are the first ones to lose out on these services (Oxfam Briefing Paper 2016). This increases the burden of women’s unpaid care work, which is not accounted for by the family or the economy. Add to this is the increasing rates of violence against women and girls in both public and private spaces. When women face violence continuously and in many ways, it sets them back in economic terms. In 2016, the global cost of violence against women was estimated by the UN to be US$1.5 trillion, equivalent to approximately 2% of the global gross domestic product (GDP), or roughly the size of the entire Canadian economy (UN Women, 2016) Studies indicate, for example, that in India women can lose an average of at least five paid work days for each incident of intimate partner violence. In health terms too, violence that women face affects them adversely. A study in 2008 explored the adverse impacts of domestic violence on women and children in India to reveal that women victims of domestic violence experience significantly higher rates of malnutrition as measured by two indicators: being underweight and anemic (Ackerson and Subramanian, 2008). Children of women experiencing domestic violence also experienced high levels of malnourishment (ICRW, 2016)

Though India has an array of progressive laws that deal with violence in its myriad forms, the biggest challenge is their implementation with no dedicated budgets, government officials with additional charges, a cadre of duty bearers who do not know the laws, often do not understand the standard operating procedures and a citizenry working with archaic norms as the basis for perpetuating violence against women and girls. Even when funds are available, (for example the Nirbhaya Fund dedicated to Jyoti Pandey, whose brutal gang-rape and subsequent death shook the nation in 2012 and led to the allocation of INR 3100 crores for projects that dealt with different forms of violence) the utilisation of the funds towards services that would help women overcome violence is very low. Existing social norms strongly support the normalisation of violence in all spheres. In the workplace, a law to deal with sexual harassment was passed only in 2013 after a struggle for 17 years. Yet the recent #MeToo movement in India has only opened the doors to the organised workforce to ensure that mechanisms are in place and follow due processes. With the majority of women in the informal sector, the mechanisms for dealing with sexual harassment is not conducive to encouraging women to join the workforce. With a somewhat lackadaisical response on the part of the government towards reducing the burden of care work for women employees, Indian women have to continue to bear the brunt of major household chores, both in urban and rural areas. OECD data shows that Indian men between the age group of 15-64 years spend 51 minutes in a day on unpaid work whereas women spend 351 minutes in a day on unpaid work.

What needs to be taken on an urgent basis should be the following:

  • With the elections round the corner, we must demand that all major parties adhere to a minimum standard of 50% of its candidates being women.
  • As citizens, we must make informed choices keeping in mind the proven track record of the candidates, both male and female, with regard to gender justice and equality. Proposed candidates who publicly announce regressive measures should be debarred or at least not voted into power.
  • All parties must be held accountable to pass the Women’s Reservation Bill, something that has been agreed to by most major parties but yet, it does not find prominence in being tabled in every Parliament session.
  • We must hold accountable the various Ministries for the 30% utilisation of the non-lapsable INR 3100 crores in the Nirbhaya Fund.
  • The government must hold periodic evaluations to see the efficacy of the many pro-women laws and ensure that the gaps are addressed in a timely manner.
  • Corporate houses must ensure that mechanisms to deal with sexual harassment in the workplace are in place and are being actively used by the staff.
  • In the informal sector, there needs to be large-scale awareness building for women workers on the Local Complaints Committee and the processes associated with it.
  • Improving the conditions of work for women in the informal sector may require more holistic interventions which would best be arrived at through consultations with women themselves.

*Julie Thukkuden is the gender justice programme lead for Oxfam India. She can be reached at @JulieThekkudan on Twitter.

Eurasia Review

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

The Global Security News: 1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Washington Free Beacon: Pelosi Responds to Black Lives Matter Question: ‘I Think That All Lives Matter’

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Calif.) said that she believes “all lives matter” in response to a question Friday about the “Black Lives Matter” movement.

At a town hall that aired Friday night on MSNBC, Pelosi responded to a question from an African American Trinity College student about the Black Lives Matter movement.

“Do you support the Black Lives Matter movement?” the student asked.

“Well, I support the recognition that Black Lives Matter for sure and I have incorporated that in many of my statements,” Pelosi said. “I think that all lives matter, yes, but it has—we really have to redress past grievances in terms of how we have addressed the African American community.”

Black Lives Matter activists and many progressives dislike the term “all lives matter” as being dismissive of the racism that blacks experience and the movement overall.

Pelosi participated in the town hall hosted by Joy Reid the same week she took back the Speaker’s gavel for the first time since 2011. She already had to deal with one of her new members, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D., Mich.), promising to impeach Trump and calling him a “motherf—er.”

Pelosi could face grief from progressives for using the “all lives matter” phrase if some of the Twitter reaction afterward was any indication.

The post Pelosi Responds to Black Lives Matter Question: ‘I Think That All Lives Matter’ appeared first on Washington Free Beacon.

Washington Free Beacon

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)

The Global Security News


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Washington Free Beacon: Pelosi Responds to Black Lives Matter Question: ‘I Think That All Lives Matter’

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Calif.) said that she believes “all lives matter” in response to a question Friday about the “Black Lives Matter” movement.

At a town hall that aired Friday night on MSNBC, Pelosi responded to a question from an African American Trinity College student about the Black Lives Matter movement.

“Do you support the Black Lives Matter movement?” the student asked.

“Well, I support the recognition that Black Lives Matter for sure and I have incorporated that in many of my statements,” Pelosi said. “I think that all lives matter, yes, but it has—we really have to redress past grievances in terms of how we have addressed the African American community.”

Black Lives Matter activists and many progressives dislike the term “all lives matter” as being dismissive of the racism that blacks experience and the movement overall.

Pelosi participated in the town hall hosted by Joy Reid the same week she took back the Speaker’s gavel for the first time since 2011. She already had to deal with one of her new members, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D., Mich.), promising to impeach Trump and calling him a “motherf—er.”

Pelosi could face grief from progressives for using the “all lives matter” phrase if some of the Twitter reaction afterward was any indication.

The post Pelosi Responds to Black Lives Matter Question: ‘I Think That All Lives Matter’ appeared first on Washington Free Beacon.

Washington Free Beacon

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

The Global Security News: 1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Eurasia Review: 2019: The Year of Anniversaries – OpEd

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

2019 marks several significant anniversaries. The 70th anniversaries of the founding of NATO and the PRC, plus the 30th anniversaries of the Berlin Wall’s collapse and the Tiananmen Square event are the most notable.

All have strategic implications. NATO’s establishment instigated the longest known period of peace in Europe for several centuries. The Berlin Wall’s collapse initiated the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union’s demise two-years later. The PRC’s founding eventually lifted millions out of poverty and gave rise to a global power. The Tiananmen Square event illustrated the Chinese Communist Party’s willingness to pursue brutality to maintain power, despite a strong undercurrent for change. What remains unknown is how the anniversaries’ participants will react at, and/or around the time of the remembrances’ dates. This is especially the case for those actors who suffered a defeat, were “humiliated”, or were the event’s “victims”. Each anniversary requires an assessment of the various scenarios that may unfold prior to and during their celebrations

NATO Anniversary – April 4th, 1949 and Fall of the Berlin Wall – November 9, 1989

Both events will be met with gratitude, controversy, and lamentation. NATO’s 70th Birthday will be praised by the Alliance’s newest members – most notably Poland and the Baltic States. The United States’ response will be a combination of celebration and criticism. The administration will probably voice support of the Alliance’s contribution towards maintaining security. It will likely chastise various NATO members for failing to financially contribute to the organization’s coffers as mandated by the Alliance’s Charter. A strong possibility is a repeat of the above events may occur during the Berlin Wall’s collapse remembrance, yet without Washington’s criticism.

Russia may attempt to spoil the NATO and Berlin Wall commemorations. A high possibility is Moscow will increase its military, cyber, and anti-Alliance public diplomacy activities in the prelude to the late April event. The Kremlin will probably expand its cyber-activities against the Baltic States and NATO starting in late March. Moscow may pursue additional military exercises in Kaliningrad, near Estonia, Latvia or with Belarus’s Polish and Lithuanian borders preceding celebrations around the Berlin Wall’s collapse. Russia’s pursuits can’t be discounted considering Vladimir Putin regrets the Soviet Union’s unfolding – an event linked to the Berlin’s Wall’s collapse. He may use those activities to remind the former Soviet satellites and NATO of Moscow’s continued strategic vitality.

Tiananmen Square Event – June 4, 1989 and the Founding of the PRC – October 1, 1949

The other two anniversaries to monitor surround the Tiananmen Square incident and the PRC’s Founding. Chinese authorities will probably squelch events surrounding the former, while augmenting/enhancing the later.

Many Party officials are wary of discussing the Tiananmen Square incident – and would prefer for it to vanish into the history books. Others, especially party reformers and the event’s student leaders, seek an open accounting of the incident. The Party’s cybercommunity and media sponsors will probably monitoring China’s internet server for the words “Tiananmen”, “Tiananmen Square”, “June 4th”, plus a combination of “6/4”, 4/6”, “89”, and “1989”. Any Chinese citizen identified using those will probably receive a sharp warning, be placed under surveillance, detained, questioned, or have their email blocked, be fined, imprisoned, or sent to a “re-education” camp similar to those in the Xinjiang province. The last group facing close scrutiny will be Party members and/or foreign media reporters. It will apply to those voicing opinions about or providing coverage of any event ceremonies. The CCP will attempt to prevent discussion, mention, or small talk about the incident in the prelude to the 30th anniversary. Any mention will probably be met with immediate reprisals as a message the topic is off-limits.

The Party will pursue the opposite approach towards the PRC’s founding. Party officials – and State media – will make a concerted effort to boast of China’s economic and diplomatic success in the prelude to the Party’s 70th anniversary. It will downplay, gloss over, and attempt to avoid debate of the country’s tragedies, most notably the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Chinese officials will also take a similar methodology towards Taiwan, Tibet, the Xinjiang province, plus the country’s political and legal rights records. Another question is whether the PRC will use the event as coverage for an augmentation/enhancement of its military activities in the SCS or ECS. It will depend upon the status of the PRC’s relations with the United States, Japan, its South China Sea neighbords, plus on the country’s domestic climate prior to the celebration’s events.

Several significant anniversaries will occur in 2019. The events will be remembered in Brussels, Berlin, and Beijing. What remains unknown is whether Moscow will attempt to spoil and/or taint the ceremonies surrounding NATO’s and the Berlin Wall’s celebrations. The CCP will probably seek to prevent any remembrances surrounding the Tiananmen Square incident. Chinese officials will highlight the country’s economic and diplomatic achievements owing to the Party’s founding. 2019 is a historically and strategically vital year whose importance cannot be underestimated owing to how those events the current international climate.

*Matthew Kennedy, MSc – Politics of China, School of Oriental and African Studies – University of London, Dillon, Colorado – USA

Eurasia Review

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)

The Global Security News


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Eurasia Review: 2019: The Year of Anniversaries – OpEd

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

2019 marks several significant anniversaries. The 70th anniversaries of the founding of NATO and the PRC, plus the 30th anniversaries of the Berlin Wall’s collapse and the Tiananmen Square event are the most notable.

All have strategic implications. NATO’s establishment instigated the longest known period of peace in Europe for several centuries. The Berlin Wall’s collapse initiated the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union’s demise two-years later. The PRC’s founding eventually lifted millions out of poverty and gave rise to a global power. The Tiananmen Square event illustrated the Chinese Communist Party’s willingness to pursue brutality to maintain power, despite a strong undercurrent for change. What remains unknown is how the anniversaries’ participants will react at, and/or around the time of the remembrances’ dates. This is especially the case for those actors who suffered a defeat, were “humiliated”, or were the event’s “victims”. Each anniversary requires an assessment of the various scenarios that may unfold prior to and during their celebrations

NATO Anniversary – April 4th, 1949 and Fall of the Berlin Wall – November 9, 1989

Both events will be met with gratitude, controversy, and lamentation. NATO’s 70th Birthday will be praised by the Alliance’s newest members – most notably Poland and the Baltic States. The United States’ response will be a combination of celebration and criticism. The administration will probably voice support of the Alliance’s contribution towards maintaining security. It will likely chastise various NATO members for failing to financially contribute to the organization’s coffers as mandated by the Alliance’s Charter. A strong possibility is a repeat of the above events may occur during the Berlin Wall’s collapse remembrance, yet without Washington’s criticism.

Russia may attempt to spoil the NATO and Berlin Wall commemorations. A high possibility is Moscow will increase its military, cyber, and anti-Alliance public diplomacy activities in the prelude to the late April event. The Kremlin will probably expand its cyber-activities against the Baltic States and NATO starting in late March. Moscow may pursue additional military exercises in Kaliningrad, near Estonia, Latvia or with Belarus’s Polish and Lithuanian borders preceding celebrations around the Berlin Wall’s collapse. Russia’s pursuits can’t be discounted considering Vladimir Putin regrets the Soviet Union’s unfolding – an event linked to the Berlin’s Wall’s collapse. He may use those activities to remind the former Soviet satellites and NATO of Moscow’s continued strategic vitality.

Tiananmen Square Event – June 4, 1989 and the Founding of the PRC – October 1, 1949

The other two anniversaries to monitor surround the Tiananmen Square incident and the PRC’s Founding. Chinese authorities will probably squelch events surrounding the former, while augmenting/enhancing the later.

Many Party officials are wary of discussing the Tiananmen Square incident – and would prefer for it to vanish into the history books. Others, especially party reformers and the event’s student leaders, seek an open accounting of the incident. The Party’s cybercommunity and media sponsors will probably monitoring China’s internet server for the words “Tiananmen”, “Tiananmen Square”, “June 4th”, plus a combination of “6/4”, 4/6”, “89”, and “1989”. Any Chinese citizen identified using those will probably receive a sharp warning, be placed under surveillance, detained, questioned, or have their email blocked, be fined, imprisoned, or sent to a “re-education” camp similar to those in the Xinjiang province. The last group facing close scrutiny will be Party members and/or foreign media reporters. It will apply to those voicing opinions about or providing coverage of any event ceremonies. The CCP will attempt to prevent discussion, mention, or small talk about the incident in the prelude to the 30th anniversary. Any mention will probably be met with immediate reprisals as a message the topic is off-limits.

The Party will pursue the opposite approach towards the PRC’s founding. Party officials – and State media – will make a concerted effort to boast of China’s economic and diplomatic success in the prelude to the Party’s 70th anniversary. It will downplay, gloss over, and attempt to avoid debate of the country’s tragedies, most notably the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Chinese officials will also take a similar methodology towards Taiwan, Tibet, the Xinjiang province, plus the country’s political and legal rights records. Another question is whether the PRC will use the event as coverage for an augmentation/enhancement of its military activities in the SCS or ECS. It will depend upon the status of the PRC’s relations with the United States, Japan, its South China Sea neighbords, plus on the country’s domestic climate prior to the celebration’s events.

Several significant anniversaries will occur in 2019. The events will be remembered in Brussels, Berlin, and Beijing. What remains unknown is whether Moscow will attempt to spoil and/or taint the ceremonies surrounding NATO’s and the Berlin Wall’s celebrations. The CCP will probably seek to prevent any remembrances surrounding the Tiananmen Square incident. Chinese officials will highlight the country’s economic and diplomatic achievements owing to the Party’s founding. 2019 is a historically and strategically vital year whose importance cannot be underestimated owing to how those events the current international climate.

*Matthew Kennedy, MSc – Politics of China, School of Oriental and African Studies – University of London, Dillon, Colorado – USA

Eurasia Review

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

The Global Security News: 1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Stars and Stripes: US deploys military forces to Gabon fearing Congo violence

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

U.S. military personnel “will remain in the region until the security situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo becomes such that their presence is no longer needed.”

Stars and Stripes

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)

The Global Security News


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites): Stars and Stripes: US deploys military forces to Gabon fearing Congo violence

Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

U.S. military personnel “will remain in the region until the security situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo becomes such that their presence is no longer needed.”

Stars and Stripes

1. US Security from Michael_Novakhov (87 sites)


Spread the Knowledge
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
    27
    Shares
  • 27
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •